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After
the traditional Islamic education in Arabic and
Persian at home, Fazlul Huq passed the Entrance
Examination in 1890 from the Barisal Zilla School,
the FA Examination in 1892 and BA Examination
(with triple Honours in Chemistry, Mathematics
and Physics) in 1894 from the Presidency College,
and obtained the MA degree in Mathematics in 1896
from the University of Calcutta.
Obtaining
the BL degree in 1897 from the University Law
College, Calcutta, Fazlul Huq started legal practice
as an apprentice under Sir Asutosh Mookerjee.
Huq had the good fortune of receiving affection
in numerous and various ways from Aswini Kumar
Datta and Prafulla Chandra Ray. After the death
of his father Huq started legal practice in Barisal
town. He also worked as a part-time lecturer of
Raj Chandra College of this town during the period
1903-1904. In 1906 Huq entered government service
as a Deputy Magistrate. He took an active part
in founding the All India Muslim league at Dacca
on 30 December 1906. From 1908 to 1912 Huq was
the Assistant Registrar of Co-operatives. He resigned
from public service and opted for public life
and law. Being advised by Sir Asutosh Mookerjee
he joined the Calcutta High Court and started
legal practice.
In
the hands of Sir Khwaja Salimullah and Nawab nawab
Ali Chowdhury, he got initiation in politics.
With their assistance he entered the Bengal Legislative
Council in 1913 as an elected member from the
Dhaka (Dacca) Division by defeating his powerful
rival Rai Bahadur Kumar Mahendra Nath Mitra. Since
then he had been associated with the Bengal Legislature
till 1947, except for two years (1934-1936) when
he was a member of the Central Legislative Assembly.
In
1913 Huq became the Secretary of the Bengal Provincial
Muslim League and continued in this post till
1916. He also served as a Joint Secretary of the
All India Muslim League. Huq was the president
of the All India Muslim League from 1916 to 1921.
As a member of the Indian national congress he
was also actively connected with that organisation.
Huq was one of those who were instrumental of
formulating the Lucknow pact of 1916 between the
Congress and the Muslim League. In 1917 Huq was
a Joint Secretary of the Indian National Congress
and in 1918-1919 he served this organisation as
its General Secretary. In 1918 Fazlul Huq presided
over the Delhi Session of the All India Muslim
League. In 1919 Fazlul Huq was chosen as a member
of the Punjab Enquiry Committee along with Motilal
Nehru, Chitta Ranjan Das and other prominent leaders
set up by the Indian National Congress to go into
the Jalianwala Bagh Massacre. Huq was the president
of the Midnapore Session of the Bengal Provincial
Conference in 1920.
Huq
joined the Khilafat movement in 1919. But he had
difference with the congress leaders on the question
of Non-cooperation. He supported the boycott of
British goods and titles related to the programme
of the non-cooperation movement adopted by the
congress in 1920. But he was opposed to the idea
of boycotting of schools and colleges, particularly
considering the backward condition of the Muslim
community. He felt that the boycott resolution
would hamper the progress of the Muslim boys and
girls. He therefore, left the Congress.
In
1920 Huq brought out a daily paper Nabajug along
with Kazi Nazrul Islam and Muzaffar Ahmad. The
deposit of this paper was confiscated several
times due to its anti-government policy. So, he
could not run this daily for a longer period.
He devoted his time to the cause of Muslim education
and became a leading figure of the Muslim Educational
Conference. In 1924 Huq became the Education Minister
for about six months under the diarchy in Bengal.
As Education Minister he had undertaken several
measures to create educational infrastructure
in the country. He assisted the deserving Muslim
students by creating the Muslim Educational Fund.
For imparting teaching in Persian and Arabic to
the Muslim students he also created a separate
Directorate for Muslim Education in Bengal. Huq
also made arrangement for reservation of seats
for Muslim students in all the Government educational
institutions affiliated to the Calcutta University.
Huq had a role in the restructuring of the Madrasa
Education in Bengal.
AK
Fazlul Huq's political strategy was to make the
rural elite his power base. It is evidenced by
his initiative in founding the short-lived Calcutta
Agricultural Association (1917), and yet another
short-lived organisation called Bengal Praja party
(1929). It was this party which was later transformed
into a regular semi-political organisation called
Nikhil Banga Praja Samiti with Sir Abdur Rahim
as its president and himself and Khan Bahadur
Abdul Momin vice presidents. Soon there was a
personality clash between the two leaders. Huq's
faction of the Samiti changed its nomenclature
to Krishak Praja party (KPP) in 1935. Under Huq's
leadership, the KPP started a mass movement with
the objectives of the restoration of peasant rights,
relieving the peasants of the oppressions of moneylenders
and zamindars, and making raiyats proprietors
of land by abolishing the zamindari system. These
slogans made the KPP popular among the agrarian
middle classes now enfranchised under the Act
of 1935.
Though
Huq participated in All India politics, his mind
was mainly confined to Bengal. In 1934 Mohammed
Ali Jinnah became the President of the All India
Muslim League. Huq was not happy with the programme
of the Muslim League. His differences with Jinnah
were intensified. This was particularly manifested
at the time of the election under the Act of 1935.
Fazlul Huq drafted his Election Manifesto in 1936
and during his election campaigns he vehemently
opposed the Muslim League led by Jinnah. As Huq
wanted to build up a new Bengal with all segments
of population, his election manifesto created
a great stir among the population of Bengal. Huq
made his victory easier by isolating the League
from the Muslim masses. He defeated Sir Khwaja
Nazimuddin at the Patuakhali Constituency.
In
the elections of 1937, KPP emerged as the third
largest party in the legislative assembly, first
being the Congress and second the Muslim League,
and Huq emerged as a potential figure in Bengal
politics. He wanted to form a Coalition Cabinet
with the Congress in Bengal. In fact, a favourable
atmosphere was created for the formation of a
Huq-Congress Ministry. Huq was very much embarrassed
and disheartened when the Central leadership of
the Congress did not agree to such a ministry.
In this situation Huq was compelled to form a
coalition Ministry with the Muslim League. Jinnah
was eagerly waiting for this opportunity. Thus
the Huq-League Ministry with Huq as the Prime
Minister was formed in Bengal in 1937. There was
no doubt that for imprudence and lack of farsightedness
of the Congress Central leadership the followers
of Jinnah could strengthen their hold in Bengal.
Huq
became instrumental in making the political programme
of the Muslim League effective. Taking the advantage
of this ministry a section of League leaders fomented
religious sectarianism. By 1939 these elements
extended their influence everywhere in the rural
and urban areas of Bengal. The Muslim League,
led by the followers of Jinnah, became the party
of the Muslim masses. Though in personal life
Huq was free from religious sectarianism, he had
to adjust himself with the Communalist-reactionary
forces of the League in running the affairs of
the Cabinet. Huq became more and more aware of
his separate identity as a member of the Muslim
community, which was often revealed through his
speeches. Naturally, Huq was then the most favoured
man within the League. Jinnah selected him for
proposing the Lahore resolution, popularly called
the Pakistan Resolution, on 23 March 1940, at
the Lahore Session of the All India Muslim League.
Huq
Ministries (1937-1943) After the elections of
1937, no single party had the absolute majority
in the legislature, and thus formation of a coalition
government became inevitable. The idea of coalition
being turned down by the Congress, Fazlul Huq,
the leader of the KPP parliamentary group of 35
members, could persuade the Muslim League and
some other minority and scheduled caste groups
to join him in forming a coalition government.
On April 1, 1937, as the leader of the Coalition
Party, Fazlul Huq was installed as the Chief Minister
of the Government of Bengal. The ministry that
was commissioned by the governor, Sir Anderson
(1932-1937), consisted of, besides Fazlul Huq
as Chief Minister holding the portfolio of education,
5 Hindus and 5 Muslims: Nalini Ranjan Sarkar (finance),
Bijoy Prasad Singha Roy (revenue), Maharaja Siris
Chandra Nandy (communications and public works),
Prasanna Deb Raikut (forest and excise), Mukunda
Behari Mallick (cooperative credit and rural indebtedness),
Sir Khwaja Nazimuddin (home), Nawab Khwaja Habibullah
(agriculture and industry), Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy
(commerce and labour), Nawab Musharraf Hossain
(judicial and legislative), and Syed Nausher Ali
(public health and local self government).
The
ministry that took charge of the administration
of the province was a combination of parties and
groups with divergent ideological orientation.
It was crafted and held together by the leadership
skill of the charismatic Fazlul Huq who enjoyed
the confidence of both the communities. But partisan
quibbling and bickering soon developed within
the Coalition resulting in stresses and defections.
These were partially from individual ambitions,
shifting loyalties, interplay of British imperial
interests, Congress intransigence to work the
constitution, and the League's avid determination
to gain the political control of the province
under its own terms. Much of the dissent and dissension
within the Coalition Party, however, happened
over such issues as reforms of tenancy and land
revenue system, tenancy rights, educational policy,
and rural indebtedness, which threatened to compromise
the interests of the privileged class, across
the party lines.
In
spite of some similarities in the electoral platform
of the Praja Party and the League, the thrust
of the former was for radical agrarian reforms;
and was closer to the Congress in that regard
as well as for its abhorrence of communalism.
In contrast the League was committed to the strategy
of communal separatism in politics, and was against
any appropriation of private property. Though
subscribing to the League's reactionary programme,
the Praja Party, especially its radicals, was
committed to change the fate of the peasants and
tenants of Bengal, a majority of whom happened
to be Muslims and resided in the rural districts
of Eastern Bengal.
In
the absence of understanding between the two major
components of the Coalition—the Muslim League
and the Krishak Praja Party—and in the presence
of vested landed, and business interests of the
League, and among other heterogeneous elements
in the coalition, from the very inception of the
Huq ministry, it became faction-ridden as the
radical wing of Praja Party pressed for reforms
which they had promised during the electoral campaigning.
The first sign of stress within the ranks of the
Coalition Party surfaced, when the governor, using
his personal prerogative prevented the inclusion
of Shamsuddin ahmed, the secretary of the Praja
Party, in the cabinet on the ground of his record
of anti-state activities, and imprisonment. The
governor also opposed the inclusion of another
Praja Party representative in the cabinet. In
the process Huq found his position untenable in
the cabinet. With the exception of himself and
Nausher Ali, all other Muslim members in the cabinet
were from the Muslim League, and this proved to
be a stumbling block in implementing the radical
programme of the Praja Party.
Notwithstanding
Huq's difficulties, the Praja Party pressed for
a series of resolutions including the abolition
of the zamindari system, introduction of free
primary education, repeal of all repressive laws,
and release of all political prisoners and detainees.
The smouldering tension within the Praja Party
came to a head when during the first budget session
held on 29 July 1937, a number of party members
led by Shamsuddin voted with the Congress in several
divisions. Several days later a group of 21 members
of the left wing of the Praja Party left the Coalition
on the grounds of breach of election promise by
Fazlul Huq. In the defection drama the League
gained the upper hand, and Huq became dependent
on the League for legislative support. As urged
by the League, Huq declared the defectors as acting
against the interests of Islam.
To
extricate himself from the awkward situation Huq
approached the Congress for an alliance on some
reasonable terms. But when rebuffed by the Congress,
Huq fell deeper into the clutches of the Muslim
League. On 15 October 1937, at Lucknow, Huq formally
subscribed to the Muslim League creed, and urged
all the Muslim members of the Bengal Coalition
to join the League, and made a strong plea for
Muslim unity under the banner of the League. Although
Huq did not openly sever his link with the Praja
Party, but without Huq's leadership, for all practical
purposes, the party lost its stature as also Fazlul
Huq's popularity among the masses began to decline.
Huq's
hold on the Coalition further slipped away in
quick succession due to the defections of two
groups. On 15 March 1938, a splinter section of
13 Praja Party members led by Tamizuddin Khan,
who bore ill-will against Huq for not including
him in the ministry, withdrew his support from
the Coalition objecting to the terms of reference
of the proposed land revenue commission. Another
defection occurred on 18 March 1938, when persuaded
by Gandhi and Sarat Bose, 15 members of the Scheduled
Caste left the treasury bench. With the latest
defection, the ministry increasingly began to
assume the character of a Muslim ministry, and
by default appeared to be protagonists of Muslim
interests alone.
Fazlul
Huq's reliance on the League increased intensely
when, on 22 June 1938, Nausher Ali withdrew his
support from the Coalition without tendering his
resignation from the ministry. Choosing this unprecedented
course of action Nausher Ali was looking for an
opportunity, following a parliamentary practice,
to force the entire ministry to resign so that
a broad-base stable ministry could be formed.
The resulting impasse was resolved when the governor
asked the entire cabinet to resign but it was
reinstated immediately without Nausher Ali. Technically,
a new ministry took office. However, when this
drama was enacted the legislature was not in session,
and, therefore, it was not immediately required
to defend its majority. In announcing his decision
to withdraw his support from the Coalition, Nausher
Ali made it public that conservative elements
in the cabinet in collaboration with the vested
interests were engaged in a mean conspiracy against
the peasants of Bengal. To follow up with his
allegations he released unilaterally a series
of private correspondence between himself and
the Chief Minister. Nausher Ali was known for
his strident views on land tenure system, and
apparently was looking at the Congress for a future
alliance.
As
the Praja Party dissipated over time, the League
found itself without rivals, and the ministry's
focus shifted from socio-economic reforms to communal
issues. With the ranks of the opposition swelled,
a series of Congress sponsored no-confidence motions
in August 1938, against the ministry was tabled
in the house. Backed by the solid support of the
25 Europeans, the ministry, however, escaped defeat.
The Europeans, in return, extracted many benefits
in the jute industry, which affected the interest
of the primary growers. With the harvesting season
in progress, mill owners slumped their production,
thereby forcing an uneconomic price to the cultivators
of a major cash crop. The ministry's survival
now became totally dependent on the Europeans.
To free himself from the new stranglehold, Huq
interceded with his estranged colleagues of the
Praja Party. Following a protracted negotiation,
Huq was able to persuade Shamsuddin and Tamizuddin
to join the cabinet on 17 November 1938. Shamsuddin,
however, resigned on 27 February 1939, as he could
not function as a team member in a cabinet packed
by ultra-conservative interests. Tamizuddin soon
joined the Muslim League, thereby leaving Huq
again in the lurch.
While
Huq's efforts to mend fences with the left element
of the Praja Party was not productive, a fresh
stress also developed in another front. Nalini
Ranjan Sarkar resigned on 20 December 1939, on
the ground of increasing communal outlook of the
Muslim members of the Coalition and controversies
over the war resolution pressed in the legislature
assuring the Viceroy of full cooperation of the
ministry in the imperial war efforts. The immediate
result of Sarkar's resignation was the intensification
of the communal divide, and power sharing across
the divide began to be a difficult terrain. Interplay
of legislative politics widened the communal cleavage.
Despite
the operation of several fissiparous forces, the
ministry's legislative and administrative record
was noteworthy in certain areas. Many of those
measures, although conducive to the common run
of the people, were perceived by the Hindus as
designed to cater to the interests of the Muslim
majority, and thereby provided plenty of ammunition
to Hindu opposition to the ministry both within
and outside the legislature. The bulging edifice
of Hindu opposition helped the conservative Muslims
to build a stonewall against any political dialogue
accommodating the interests of both the communities.
So
far Fazlul Huq was able to contain the opposition
to his government albeit with difficulty, but
he soon encountered a new challenge. In July 1941,
when Huq joined the Viceroy's Defence Council
against Jinnah's writ, the latter retaliated by
expelling Huq from the League and withdrawing
the League from the Coalition Party. This dramatic
development, however, provided Huq with new opportunities
to weave a new alliance of the political forces
across the communal divide.
Huq
resigned on 2 December 1941 but was able to form
a broad-based progressive Coalition Party which
included the progressive, secular elements of
the Praja Party, most Hindu members, including
the Bose group of the Congress, and the rightist
radicals of the Hindu mahasabha. The new ministry,
known as Shyama-Huq ministry, was commissioned,
on 12 December 1941, only after the governor's
personal initiative to install a League dominated
ministry had failed.
Huq's
second ministry, with the support of various parliamentary
groups including the Congress, forward bloc Congress,
Hindu Mahasabha, Krishak Praja party (Shamsuddin),
independent scheduled castes and Krishak Praja
Party (Huq), had eight members and one parliamentary
secretary. They were: Khwaja Habibullah, Khan
Bahadur Abdul Karim, Khan Bahadur Hashem Ali Khan,
Shamsuddin Ahmed, Shyamaprashad Mukherjee, Santosh
Kumar Bose, Pramath Nath Banarji and Upendranath
Barman. It was almost an all-party ministry only
without the League.
The
new ministry represented a variety of views and
a number of capable men. The reconciliation of
Mukherjee with his bitter competitor Fazlul Huq
heralded the prospect, in the minds of many, the
beginning of an era of Hindu-Muslim political
reconciliation. Freed from the dependency of the
League, Fazlul Huq now could expect to launch
a viable programme for socioeconomic upliftment
of the common people. As long as the new Coalition
lasted, communal harmony prevailed. But the work
of the Progressive Coalition was set at naught
by the machination of the provincial governor
Sir John Herbert (1939-1943). The governor had
developed bad vibrations about Huq because of
the latter's insolent and strident attitude compared
to the League leader, Khwaja Nazimuddin. Personality
issues aside, Herbert was also coerced by the
European members to install a cabinet responsive
to their business interests. Also, a group of
up-country Muslim businessmen, known by the sobriquet
of 'Calcutta Trio'- MAH Ispahani, K Nooruddin,
and AR Siddiqui- who were also members of the
legislature, with Jinnah's blessings were engaged
in a conspiracy to overthrow Fazlul Huq.
Once
out of office the Muslim League assiduously deployed
its entire energy against Huq and the new coalition.
The focal point of the League's propaganda was
that Huq in closing ranks with Mukherjee, was
working against the political and religious interests
of the Muslims and appealed to the governor to
dismiss the Huq ministry. Other adversities were
added to the League offensive against the ministry.
The fear of Japanese invasion and the implementation
by the military of a 'denial policy' implemented
in 1942 caused considerable hardship to the delta
region. A devastating cyclone and tidal waves
whipped the coastal region on October 26 but relief
efforts were hindered due to bureaucratic interference.
On August 3, a number of prisoners were shot down
in Dhaka jail but no inquiry could be held again
due to bureaucratic intervention. Another severe
strain on the administration was caused when the
Congress launched a 'Quit India' movement on August
9, which followed severe British repression. The
entire province reverberated with protest. The
situation was further complicated when Mukherjee
resigned bitterly complaining against the interference
of the governor in the work of the ministry.
A
few days later, on 15 March 1943, the Chief Minister
disclosed in the floor of the Assembly that on
several occasions, under the guise of discretionary
authority, the governor disregarded the advice
tendered by the ministry and listed those occasions.
The governor did not take those allegations kindly,
and, largely due to his initiative, no-confidence
motions were voted in the assembly on March 24
and March 27. On both occasions the motions were
defeated, although by narrow margins. To enforce
his writ, the governor asked Huq to sign a prepared
letter of resignation on 28 March 1943 and assigned
himself the responsibility of administering the
province under the provision of Section 93 of
the constitution. A month later a League dominated
ministry was commissioned with Nazimuddin as the
Chief Minister.
During
his first ministry (1937-1941), Huq did some laudable
work for the amelioration of the sufferings of
the peasantry. He protected the poor agriculturists
from the clutches of the usurious creditors by
enforcing the Bengal Agricultural Debtors' Act
(1938). He also set up the debt settlement boards
in all parts of Bengal. The Money Lenders' Act
(1938) and the Bengal tenancy (amendment) act
(1938) improved the lot of the peasants. The Land
Revenue Commission appointed by the Government
of Bengal on 5 November 1938 with Sir Francis
Floud as Chairman, submitted the final report
on 21 March 1940. This was the most valuable document
related to the land system of the country. The
Tenancy Act of 1885 was amended by the Act of
1938 and thereby all provisions relating to enhancement
of rent were suspended for a period of 10 years.
It also abolished all kinds of abwabs and selamis
(imposts) imposed traditionally by the zamindars
on raiyats. The raiyats got the right to transfer
their land without paying any transfer-fee to
zamindars. The law reduced the interest rate for
arrears of rent from 12.50% to 6.25%. The raiyats
also got the right to get possession of the nadi
sekasti (land lost through river erosion and appeared
again) land by payment of four years of rent within
twenty years of the erosion. Thus several acts
enforced during Huq's Premiership helped the peasants
to lighten some of their burdens though Huq could
not fully execute his programme of Dal-Bhat placed
before the people during his election campaigns.
In
order to remove the backwardness of the Muslim
Community Huq as Premier of Bengal issued orders
for the reservation of 50% appointments for the
Muslims and strictly enforced this ratio in the
offices of the Government of Bengal. The government
accepted the principle that, provided that qualified
candidates are available 15 per cent of appointments
by direct recruitment shall be reserved for the
scheduled castes but such reservation shall not
exceed thirty percent of non-Muslim direct appointments.
There was, however, no percentage of reservation
of posts for Anglo-Indians, Indian Christians
and Buddhists, but the Government assured them
that special consideration will be given to such
community provided that qualified candidates are
available.
As
Education Minister during his first ministry,
Huq took steps to accelerate the spread of education
among the Muslim. He however, considered it his
duty to advance the cause of education among all
communities inhabiting the province. With this
object in view he introduced Primary Education
Bill in the Bengal Legislative Assembly, which
was passed into law making primary education free
and compulsory. But there was a storm of protests
from the opposition members and the press when
Fazlul Huq introduced Secondary Education Bill
in the Bengal Legislative Assembly as it incorporated
'principles of communal division in the field
of education' at the secondary stage. Huq was
associated with the foundation of many educational
institutions in Bengal, such as Islamia College
(now renamed Maulana Azad College), Calcutta,
Lady Brabourne College, Calcutta, Wajid Memorial
Girls' High School and Chakhar College.
The
second ministry (1941-1943) turned out essentially
to be a front against the Muslim League. At least,
this was the impression that the League wanted
to create in the minds of the Bengal Muslims.
The very nature of the formation of the second
ministry of Fazlul Huq made it a barren affair
as regards enactment of laws and activities. Other
than jobbery and personal bickering and animosities,
nothing happened during the fifteen-month period
of his second ministry.
Post-1943
period From 1942 Huq opposed the 'two nation theory'
and devoted his entire energy to reduce the influence
of Muslim League. With this object in view Huq
made efforts to mobilise non-Muslim League Muslim
leaders. He was for the time being successful.
Dr Khan Sahib, premier of North-West frontier
provinces, Fazlul Huq, premier of Bengal and Allah
Bux, premier of Sindh jointly sent a telegram
to the British Prime Minister demanding immediate
transfer of power to the Indians. Huq also took
the initiative in preserving communal harmony.
Drawing attention of the Bengali Muslims to the
defective Lahore Resolution, he emphatically expressed
his opinion against it. The bitterness between
Huq and the Muslim League became extreme and from
April 1943 to August 1946 Fazlul Huq continuously
opposed the League. As a result he got increasingly
isolated from the mainstream of Bengal politics.
In the general elections of 1946, the Muslim League
secured 110 seats out of total 117 Muslim reserved
seats and Huq's KPP got only four of which two
belonged to himself because he contested successfully
from two constituencies. HS Suhrawardy became
the premier of Bengal. Politically, Huq became
practically a loner though his personal popularity
still remained very high.
Communal
riots broke out in Calcutta on 16 August 1946.
At that time Huq worked hard to restore communal
harmony and to protect his Hindu neighbours in
Park Circus, Calcutta. He was very much depressed
to witness the breakdown of law and order in the
city. Being requested by the League leaders Huq
joined the Muslim League in September 1946.
Huq
was extremely mortified to observe the situation
arising out of the partition of the country in
August 1947. He settled in Dhaka and served as
the Advocate General of East Pakistan from 1947
to 1952. He was soon involved in East Pakistan
politics. In February 1948, the students of East
Pakistan started a movement for the recognition
of Bangla language as one of the state languages. Fazlul Huq was injured when the police lathi charged
the demonstrating students. Huq emerged as one
of the prominent leaders of the anti-Muslim league
opposition movement. The mass upsurge centering
round the language movement on 21 February 1952
gave a new direction to East Pakistan politics.
On 27 July 1953, Fazlul Huq founded the 'Sramik-Krishak
Dal'. Huq, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani and
Suhrawardy formed the united front to fight the
election battle in 1954. Huq was elected leader
of this Front. His personal popularity helped
a great deal in mobilising the public in favour
of the United Front election campaigning. The
charisma of the Sher-e-Bangla was a dominant factor
for the landslide victory of the Front. After
the elections of 1954, AK Fazlul Huq became the
chief minister of East Bengal, though his party
was far behind the Awami Muslim League in capturing
seats in the legislature. It is politically interesting
that Huq could become chief minister of Bengal
two times and chief minister of East Bengal again
without ever having majority support in the legislature.
It is indicative of his statesmanship and political
management. He could always maintain a trans-party
demeanour. However, Huq's ministry was short lived.
Huq
had good following in the newly formed constituent
Assembly of Pakistan. They acted as a pressure
group for which in August 1955 Huq was invited
to join the central cabinet as the Home Minister.
In 1956 he became the Governor of East Pakistan
and was removed from that post in 1958. Since
then he retired from politics. On 27 April 1962
he died in Dhaka. His funeral drew a crowd of
about half a million to mourn his death. His mausoleum
is situated at the southern end of the Kazi Nazrul
Islam Avenue, to the west of the Shishu Acacemy.
For
almost half a century Fazlul Huq was a prominent
political figure of the subcontinent. He was an
extra-ordinary orator. He could fluently speak
in English, Bangla and Urdu. As Islamic identity,
Bengali identity and Indian identity simultaneously
moulded his mind, contradictory ingredients were
manifested through his thought and action. He
had to think about the development of backward
Muslim community, he was absorbed with the thought
of the progress of the entire Bengali nation and
at the same time he had to carefully nurture the
dream of united independent India. Naturally,
it was not possible for him to pursue a consistent
policy throughout his long political career. He,
therefore, remained a political enigma.
Huq was very simple
in his private and public life. Even during his
lifetime the people, irrespective of caste and
creed, adored him for his generous and charitable
disposition. He ran into debts for helping the
distressed and the needy. People of Bengal remember
Huq not for his craftiness or for erratic political
behaviour but for his sincere efforts for the
uplift of the backward Muslim community, for
the removal of poverty of vast peasant masses
and for his generous nature.
Bibliography: AK Fazlul Huq, Bengal Today,
Calcutta, 1944; ASM Abdur Rab, AK Fazlul Huq (Life
and Achievements), Barisal, 1966; Amalendu De,
Pakistan Prastab O Fajlul Hak, Calcutta, 1972;
N Mansergh (ed), The Transfer of Power (1942 -
47), several vols. |
